AlabiWilliams NPRC Nigerians desire December 28, 2006 | posted by Nigerian Muse (Archives)

Guardian

February 10, 2005

National Political Reform Conference
...What Nigerians Desire
By ALABI WILLIAMS

The different ethnic groups and geopolitical groupings are putting finishing touches to their varied positions before going for the proposed National Political Reform Conference. For some, all they have to do is fine-tune positions, which have been carefully, methodically and professionally arrived at over the years. The SouthWest, for instance, is very familiar with the process of legal drafting and has already published its position, which seeks an enabling environment for optimum development of the Region. The Southeast has equally gone through years of deep reflection on Project Nigeria, and cannot be in doubt of what to say at the conference. This is the time for the zone to officially complain about marginalisation. The position of the South-South is very clear. The people want a better fiscal federation in which they can control a substantial percentage of the oil resources in their territory. The collective position of the North is not too clear yet, but no one will be surprised if they focus the Sharia legal code.

Beyond the regional and ethnic aspirations, the individual Nigerian must not lose sight of the peculiar problems he faces in the country. There are many provisions in the 1999 Constitution, and in deed in other previous Constitutions, which pretend to lay solid basis for the good living of the average Nigerian. Such provisions paint a beautiful picture of what government is all about and the good things it has in store for the people. But at the end of the day, the people are shortchanged because such provisions are merely academic. They are never implemented.

So, it does not matter that Nigerians are segmented into 36 states and six geo-political units. It does not matter that they belong to different ethnic origins and groupings. A hypocritical ruling class whose promises in the Constitution are not fulfilled collectively confronts them. And this has been the case since the collapse of the first Republic. It does appear, too, that the people of Nigeria, irrespective of their locations, suffer collective ignorance in their inability to hold government responsible for its constitutional promises. And who would blame them, when majority of the people does not know what constitution is all about? After swearing to uphold the constitution, several sections are left unattended to by elected officials. And the people do not have the wherewithals to demand accountability.

The Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy, as listed in Chapter Two of the 1999 Constitution embodies the contractual agreement between the government and citizens of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Here, it is clearly stated: that, it shall be the duty and responsibility of all organs of government, authorities and persons to conform to, observe and apply the provisions in this Constitution.
Chapter Two, Section 14(1) says the "federal republic of Nigeria shall be a state based on the principles of democracy and social justice." to this end it declares that sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria from whom government through this Constitution derives all its power and authority.

In practice, however, the process of contracting government between the people and their representatives is well beyond the People. The electoral system has suffered series of abuse and damage so much that elections do not reflect the true wishes of the electorate. On that count, sovereignty, which ought to belong to the people, is hijacked and the contract is abused.

Section 14(2)(a) is rendered useless and that is reflected in the attitude of elected politicians. They hijack government and dispense material and patronage according to their whims. The National Assembly or the State Houses of Assembly, which ought to fight on behalf of the people, is first and foremost loyal to the executive and then the political party, which forms government. Government is thus, not responsible to the people. Instead, the people are programmed to feel inferior to their elected officials and their family members. For instance, a governor's wife or the wife of a President runs a pet project and is eulogised for giving handouts to the people, who are the original owners of the resources. The people embark on pilgrimages to solicit patronage in government houses across the country. 'Elected' officials oppress the people with their own resources. Matters like this should concern delegates going to the National Political Reform Conference.

Equally, section 14(2)(b) of the Constitution states that, "the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government." This is a big responsibility, which government is yet to fully understand. Security and its availability will help make a distinction between a State that has emerged and graduated from the state of nature and that is yet to emanate.

Nigeria has been unable to define in principle and action whether to move forward with all the attributes of good governance or to continue to exist in a jungle state where the rule of law is on holiday. Without rule of law, there will be chaos and life will be short and brutish. Life in Nigeria is stressful and short because government does not guarantee anybody's well being, except those in government, who provide artificial security for themselves from ill-gotten wealth. When the value of property is affected in London, it is most probably so on account of Nigerians, who export the resources of the country. These Nigerians know that Section 14(2)(b) exists only on paper, and the only way they can justify that section is to seek for it outside the country where the English people have laboured to entrench it in their system. Ironically, no English man will willingly come to live and own a private house in Nigeria using money that was stolen from the British government coffers. In any case, Nigeria is not even safe enough, except for those old and selfless missionaries.

Section 14(3) and (4) talk about federal character, national unity, recognising diversity and sense of belonging among all the peoples of Nigeria. In practice over these years, federal character has translated to nepotism while each new year records less unity and more division among the people of Nigeria. The principle of federal character presupposes that some sections or groups of people have exceptional talent and ability to create and re-create knowledge and wealth. The principle feigns to create a balance so that there is no domination of the polity by only one section. Yet, for so many years the North dominated the military and defense intelligence, while the other regions operated at the flanks.

Since the Nigerian civil war, it had become a deliberate policy to make the most essential aspect of the military inaccessible to people of certain regions. The result was that, instead of having a Nigerian Army, soldiers rather owe their loyalty to powerful officers, who have access to power and state funds. Even in a democracy, these powerful and retired soldiers are still circulating.
The delegates to the proposed conference should look into these matters.

The environment should encourage Nigerians from any part to aspire without barriers to the highest peak in politics, science and technology, military. What obtains at the moment is the policy of denying some Nigerians access to certain placements, simply because others do not have the mental capacity to excel. That is why Nigeria has refused to develop the spirit of competition. Countries that were at par with Nigeria at independence have emerged from poverty to become medium level powers. Nigeria is still importing the most basic of household items because the spirit of competition is absent.

Even at state and local government levels, certain entrenched interests have taken over governance to the exclusion of the general interest. This makes politics a very bitter competition for the soul of government and its resources. The principle, which seeks to accommodate the diversities in each tier of government as stipulated in section 14(3) and (4), is not adhered to, except in the zoning of principal political offices. These offices are often shared among the political class to the exclusion of the people who own the resources.

Section 15(1) promises to promote national integration as against discrimination on the grounds of place of origin, sex, religion, status, ethnic or linguistic association or ties. To do that, the Constitution enjoins the state to provide facilities for and encourage free mobility of people; secure full residence rights for every citizen in all parts of the federation; encourage inter-marriage among persons from different places of origin, of different religious, ethnic or linguistic ties; promote the formation of associations to cut across ethnic barriers.

These insertions in the 1999 Constitution are simply not workable, or they are ignored. Between 1999 and 2004, differences in language, religion, geographical location and ethnic origin have heightened to a very dangerous level. The State had no answer to all the tendencies, which tore apart the people and made Jos, Kaduna, Warri, Kano and regions of Taraba and Benue States ungovernable. It is this situation that encouraged calls for a national conference where the people will decide both their physical and constitutional boundaries.

While the 1999 Constitution promises in section 16(1)(a) to "harness the resources of the nation and promote national prosperity and an efficient, dynamic and self-reliant economy;" and in (6) to "control the national economy in such manner as to secure the maximum welfare, freedom and happiness of every citizen on the basis of social justice and equality of status and opportunity", the reality is that government acts in a manner that says it does not owe anyone a living. This is exemplified in the numerous face-offs between the government and the people over prices of petroleum products. Government embarks on economic reforms that do not receive input from the people, while it is the same government in the past that plundered the economy.

Chapter Four of the 1999 Constitution paints an attractive picture of how to be a Nigerian. There, it is said that every Nigerian has a right to life and that no one shall be deprived of his life (section 33(1)). But Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Chief Bola Ige was deprived of his life and nothing happened. Similar fate befell the respective Vice-Chairmen (South-South) of the PDP, Chiefs Harry Marshall and Aminasoari Dikibo and pilot and aviation safety activist, Mr Jerry Agbeyegbe.

It is stated that every Nigerian is entitled to respect for the dignity of his person (section 34). However, in practice, the whole section is observed in breach. There is indignity, slavery, compulsory labour, police brutality and denied liberty in Nigeria.

These are just some aspects of the falsehood in the 1999 Constitution. They are also present in all other previous Constitutions and affect Nigerians irrespective of the differences in religion, ethnic origin and geographical location.

There is a tradition of gross disregard for whatever the Constitution says in Nigeria. The greatest challenge for the proposed conference may actually not be in the difficulty at reaching consensus. What if another beautiful document is drafted and is not operated according to its letter? what will the ordinary Nigerians say of their fate in the hands of a lying political class? These and others are the questions the conferees must find answers to.